Sunday, April 17, 2005
The Indo-Pak thaw
For most of the lasty fifty years, India and Pakistan have struggled over their border, control of Kashmir, and deeper issues that I cannot begin to understand. As recently as four years ago, the world worried more about the conflict between these two important countries than about other destabilizing struggles around the world, if for no other reason than that both sides have nuclear weapons.
India and Pakistan have made enormous strides toward peace in the last couple of years. Today, President Musharraf of Pakistan and Prime Minister Singh of India shook hands and declared the two countries "friends forever":
This represents, in no small part, a triumph for American diplomacy. Colin Powell, among others, worked hard to diffuse tension between the two (notwithstanding the sometimes competing requirements of the global war on terror), and even journalists in the region understand the importance of American initiatives:
It may also weaken American leverage over Pakistan, from which the United States needs sustained cooperation in the war against the jihadis. Our ability to cajole and, yes, coerce Pakistan to our way of thinking has been central to our successes in the war on terror. On numerous occasions since September 11 the government of Pakistan, which is under tremendous countervailing pressure from Islamic fundamentalists inside Pakistan, has wavered. We have repeatedly steeled its resolve to cooperate by implying that we would tilt the balance in the region in India's favor. Not only have we agreed to extensive arms sales to India (much more than Pakistan), but the United States Air Force has conducted joint exercises with the Indian Air Force over Indian air space at least twice in the last two years.
Pakistan has responded by cooperating in the fight against al Qaeda, shutting down the A.Q. Kahn nuclear program, and by working to dissipate American leverage. On the positive side, it is taking away our leverage by diffusing tension with India, which is progress by any reckoning. More troublingly, it has reached out to China, with which it has agreed to develop a port that could be used by the Chinese navy.
India and Pakistan have made enormous strides toward peace in the last couple of years. Today, President Musharraf of Pakistan and Prime Minister Singh of India shook hands and declared the two countries "friends forever":
We are friends for ever said the Presidents of India and Pakistan smiling cordially at the Indian and Pakistani reporters as they greeted each other.
India and Pakistan on Sunday pledged to take forward their peace process and keep talking to resolve their Jammu and Kashmir dispute without being burdened by deadlines and conditions.
It is a new atmosphere of friendship and peace said Musharraf.
President Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh agreed to boost trade and movement of people, including across the Line of Control (LoC), that cuts Jammu and Kashmir between India and Pakistan.
This represents, in no small part, a triumph for American diplomacy. Colin Powell, among others, worked hard to diffuse tension between the two (notwithstanding the sometimes competing requirements of the global war on terror), and even journalists in the region understand the importance of American initiatives:
Ramesh Vinayak, a journalist with India Today magazine, told an audience at the Rochester Public Library [last September] that in his part of the world — northwest India along the border with Kashmir and Pakistan — the United States is not reviled as a grasping empire drunk with power, but rather is deeply respected and considered an absolute lynchpin of Indian peace and prosperity.
"The U.S. is the biggest hope for us," Vinayak said. "Prosperity in India is based on technology growth and peace with Pakistan, and the U.S. is keeping both of those on track."
It may also weaken American leverage over Pakistan, from which the United States needs sustained cooperation in the war against the jihadis. Our ability to cajole and, yes, coerce Pakistan to our way of thinking has been central to our successes in the war on terror. On numerous occasions since September 11 the government of Pakistan, which is under tremendous countervailing pressure from Islamic fundamentalists inside Pakistan, has wavered. We have repeatedly steeled its resolve to cooperate by implying that we would tilt the balance in the region in India's favor. Not only have we agreed to extensive arms sales to India (much more than Pakistan), but the United States Air Force has conducted joint exercises with the Indian Air Force over Indian air space at least twice in the last two years.
Pakistan has responded by cooperating in the fight against al Qaeda, shutting down the A.Q. Kahn nuclear program, and by working to dissipate American leverage. On the positive side, it is taking away our leverage by diffusing tension with India, which is progress by any reckoning. More troublingly, it has reached out to China, with which it has agreed to develop a port that could be used by the Chinese navy.
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